How Tacoma changed hands
Since 1997, the typical Tacoma home more than quadrupled in price. Pay couldn't keep up. This is what happened, and who paid.
It's been almost ten years since Exit133 last covered Tacoma week to week. We went quiet in 2016, when a house here was still something a working family could buy. Back in 2006 we'd made our name with a Google map of every condominium and apartment project then rising in Tacoma, a record of a city building like mad. That map is long offline now. What follows is the same map twenty years on, in a way: not the towers that went up, but what became of the price of living in the city they reshaped. We built it from every market sale of a home recorded here since 1997, layered with census, wage, lending, and migration data. It's told in six parts.
The shape of it
One line holds the entire story: the median price of a Tacoma home, every year since 1997.
You can read three Tacomas in that curve: the long climb to a $243,000 peak in 2007, the crash that knocked the typical sale back to $190,000 by 2011, and the surge that blew past every earlier high to $494,000 last year. That much you might have guessed. The details inside the curve are the strange part.
Start with the shape, because the two halves don't mirror each other. It took Tacoma a decade to climb back to its 2007 peak, which it didn't reclaim until 2017. Then it doubled that peak by 2024. Most of that rise came in the few years after 2020.
And it didn't start with the pandemic. The line was bending hard upward years before anyone had heard the word COVID, with prices up 9 percent in 2017 and 13 percent in 2018. The lockdown poured fuel on a fire already lit. So what lit it?
A rise that large deserves a check. A median can climb just because bigger or nicer homes happen to sell in a given year, even if no single house gains a dollar. So we ran two independent checks. The first follows the same homes from one sale to the next, the repeat-sales method. It gives that 2.7-times figure above, on the identical buildings. The second holds size constant by measuring price per square foot, which rose 163 percent from 2014 to 2025. Median, repeat-sales, and price per foot all move together. So the rise is real appreciation on the same homes, not a side effect of which ones happened to sell.
There is one last oddity in the data. When prices hit record highs, owners usually cash out and sales boom. A frozen market belongs to a crash, when no one will sell at a loss. Tacoma did the opposite. At the very top of the market, it stopped selling.
Barely half as many homes changed hands in 2025 as in 2005, though each one was worth more than twice as much. The most valuable housing stock in the city's history is also the most frozen. A Tacoma house now costs 4.6 times what it did in 1997. Paychecks here didn't grow anywhere near that much. The result is a gap the size of the city, between what homes cost and what the people who live here earn.
The vanishing starter home
Begin with what the gap did to the people trying to buy. In 2012, the typical Tacoma house changed hands for about $195,000. A nurse and a teacher, or two retail managers, or one union electrician, could carry that. You didn't need family money or a tech salary. That Tacoma is gone, and the data shows when it left. Track the share of sales under $300,000, the rough ceiling of a genuine starter home:
In 2015, nearly three of every four Tacoma homes sold under $300,000. By 2021 it was one in twenty. Last year it was one in thirty-six. The starter home did not get expensive. It vanished as a category.
None of this took the city by surprise. We watched it come in real time. Back in 2008, we turned up two North End houses at $249,000 each and noted that the clean starter home "seems rarer and rarer." Three years before that, as the first condo towers arrived priced from $300,000 up, we'd already worried that a downtown built only at the high end would never fill its sidewalks. The worry was early, and the high end won.
One threshold understates it, because the change wasn't only at the cheap end. It reshaped the whole market. A rising median can mean two different things. In the first, the whole range of prices slides up together. The market gets more expensive but stays a market, with cheaper homes and pricier ones, and a modest income can still reach the bottom rung. In the second, the market loses its low end, and the median is no longer the middle of a ladder anyone can climb. Tacoma was the second kind, and you can see it at the bottom rung. The cheapest tenth of homes sold in 2015 went for about $145,000, a price one modest salary could still carry. By 2025 that same bottom tenth started at $365,000.
And the floor rose faster than anything above it. From 2015 to 2025 the cheapest tenth of sales climbed 152 percent, the median 120 percent, and the priciest tenth 97 percent. So the spread narrowed even as it lifted: the most expensive homes were 2.9 times the cheapest in 2015, and only 2.3 times by 2025. A caveat: these are the prices of homes that actually sold, and which homes sell shifts from year to year, so some of the move reflects that rather than real price growth. But the pattern holds where the mix can't explain it, on the same buildings that sold twice and in the price of a square foot. However you measure it, the bottom of the market climbed fastest, and the headline median understates how far the floor was pushed out of reach.
The easy explanation is that wages stagnated while prices soared. But Tacoma incomes actually rose at a healthy clip. They just couldn't keep anywhere near the pace of prices. All three lines sit on one axis below, each starting from zero in 2014, so the gap reads as it opens.
From 2014 to 2024, the price of a Tacoma home rose 140 percent. Household income rose 68 percent, and the average wage paid by a Pierce County job rose just 55 percent. Prices ran roughly twice as fast as household income, and two and a half times the average wage. The extra buying power came from somewhere, and it wasn't local jobs.
The standard yardstick for this is the price-to-income ratio, the median sale price divided by the median household income. By a common affordability benchmark, 3 or under is affordable and 5 or above is severely unaffordable. Tacoma never spent a single year of our data under 3, and crossed into severely unaffordable in 2018.
Tacoma didn't go from fine to broken. It started this stretch already stretched, near 3.9 in 2011, and pushed to a 6.3 peak in 2021. The natural comparison is the last bubble, the mid-2000s boom whose collapse took the global economy with it. A Tacoma home then cost about 5.4 times the median income. Today it costs 5.7. The income behind that 2007 figure is an older estimate than the post-2011 ratios, so treat the comparison as rough. Even so, Tacoma today is at least as unaffordable as it was at the peak before the last crash, and so far without a comparable correction.
The part the ratio hides: rates
A price-to-income ratio ignores the thing a lender actually checks: the monthly payment. For most of the boom, near-zero interest rates kept that payment deceptively low even as prices ran away. The chart below tracks the payment on the median Tacoma home, with 20 percent down at each year's average 30-year rate, against the lender's 28-percent comfort line. Twenty percent down is a steep bar on its own. Buyers who put down less trade a smaller deposit for a bigger payment and mortgage insurance, so the line below is, if anything, the gentler case.
In 2021 the price-to-income ratio hit a frightening 6.3. Yet the monthly payment, principal and interest alone, still ate only about 25 percent of median income, because the 30-year rate was below 3 percent. Then rates roughly doubled, and by 2024 the same home demanded 35 percent. The ratio peaked in 2021. The payment burden peaked in 2024. Rates, not just prices, drove the 2022-to-2024 squeeze.
A caveat that matters more here than in most of the country: those figures are principal and interest only. In Pierce County the rest of the payment is not a rounding error. Property tax runs near one percent of value, about $5,000 a year on the median home, and insurance adds roughly $1,500 more, together close to $550 a month. Fold those in and the true monthly cost is what decides who can buy.
Put the pieces together and you can say what a family needs to walk into the typical Tacoma house today. At last year's median price and prevailing rates, with 20 percent down, the all-in monthly payment runs about $3,000. To carry that without being cost-burdened, a household needs to earn around $130,000 a year. And to get in the door, it needs nearly $99,000 in cash for the down payment.
Line up every household in Tacoma by income, and only about 28 percent of them earn enough to afford the middle house in their own city. The typical Tacoma home is now out of reach for nearly three quarters of the people who live here. And the income test is only half the bar. The $99,000 in cash falls hardest on the buyer with no home to sell, the first-timer without a decade of prior appreciation to roll into a down payment. That buyer is usually a younger one.
And the squeezed buyer can't just retreat to a smaller, cheaper house and pay less per foot. Smaller homes cost more per foot, not less, and the gap is widening.
In 2015 the smallest homes, under 1,000 square feet, cost about $189 a foot, while the largest, 2,500 feet and up, ran $159. That's a modest 19 percent premium for going small. By 2025 the small home cost $484 a foot against $317 for the large one, a 53 percent penalty. The entry-level buyer now pays the highest price per foot in the market. The structure is regressive: the smallest homes cost the most per foot.
The squeeze didn't arrive everywhere at once. It rolled across the city like a tide. You can date when each neighborhood ran out of starter homes: the last year at least a quarter of its sales came in under $300,000.
Two north-side neighborhoods crossed first, in 2016: the North End, Tacoma's most expensive, and Northeast. The historically more affordable south and east sides held on a few years longer, until South Tacoma and the downtown core crossed over by 2020. By then, no neighborhood in the city still had a quarter of its sales under $300,000. None of this happened because Tacomans stopped earning. They earned more than ever. It happened because a different kind of buyer arrived: a bigger paycheck, often more wealth, from another county.
The Seattle money
For decades, Tacoma has been the place you moved when Seattle got too expensive. After 2020, the direction of that pull didn't change, but its force did. The reason is one of the strangest things to happen to American work in a century: a huge share of people simply stopped going to the office. When a Seattle paycheck no longer required a Seattle commute, the question of where to live opened up, and a lot of it resolved to Tacoma. You can see the rupture in how Tacomans get to work. For a decade it barely moved. Then, in a single year, it broke.
Through the 2010s, roughly 3 to 7 percent of working Tacoma residents worked from home, and a bit more rode transit toward jobs north of the city. Those lines lived in the same quiet band for years. Then the share working from home more than quadrupled, to 21 percent in 2021, while transit use fell by nearly half. For decades, earning a Seattle wage from Tacoma meant a daily commute. After 2020, for a lot of office workers, it didn't, and that loosened the constraint on who could afford to live here.
That changed the buyer pool. A Tacoma desk now pays Seattle wages, whether you drive to Bellevue twice a week or never leave the spare bedroom. So the people bidding on Tacoma houses increasingly aren't earning Tacoma incomes. The clearest proof is in who actually moved, and what they made.
King County has long been the single largest source of people moving to Pierce, and the new arrivals were better paid than the people leaving. California is the largest source from outside Washington, close to one in thirteen arrivals, a fraction of King County's share. By 2021–22 the average household moving in from King County reported about $90,000 in income, against roughly $69,000 for those heading the other way. That gap widened sharply in just three years. The flow itself also swelled: net migration from King County rose about 50 percent over two years, to more than 4,400 households by 2020–21 (a Pierce-wide count that includes renters, not just buyers). So Tacoma wasn't only gaining people. It was gaining higher-earning ones, which fits prices running ahead of what Tacoma's own jobs pay.
One limit sits under all of this. The migration figures measure income, the adjusted gross income on a tax return, and income is not the same as buying power. A household that sells a King County home and buys in Tacoma arrives with equity, often hundreds of thousands of dollars, that no income figure captures. So the dollars on the chart almost certainly understate what these buyers brought, and the decisive force may be imported wealth as much as imported paychecks. A cash-rich buyer from up north clears the down-payment hurdle that stops many local first-timers cold, and the income gap understates that edge.
The same pull that runs from Seattle to Tacoma now extends past it. On net, Pierce County is losing roughly 600 households a year to Thurston County to the south, around Olympia and Lacey. Those leaving Pierce for Thurston report lower incomes, about $56,000 to $65,000, than the King County households arriving in Pierce. The cascade is familiar: as each county prices out, the households with the least cushion move one county further from the jobs. Tacoma was the affordable alternative to Seattle. Now it's the expensive place Thurston is the alternative to.
This is still happening. Just a few days ago, the Seattle Times pitched Tacoma to its readers as the relatively affordable option, Seattle buyers still heading south for more house per dollar. It's the same pull named from the other end: a bargain to the arriving buyer is the squeeze on the family already here.
Where Tacoma works now
Remote work is only part of the picture. Many Tacomans still commute to a Seattle-area job. They just do it less often, or for higher pay. Federal data that links where people live to where they work shows the tie to King County growing, not shrinking, even as offices emptied.
By 2022, roughly 48 percent of employed Tacoma residents worked outside Pierce County, and 36 percent drew a King County paycheck, both up from 2015. And those King County jobs pay more: about two-thirds sat in the top federal wage band, against a little over half of the jobs that stayed in Pierce. For planners, it's also a transportation and emissions story: a growing share of the region's highest-paid work is done by people housed an hour to the south. A city can't zone away a Seattle paycheck. The supply side is the part the city can influence, through what it allows to be built. The demand coming down I-5 is mostly beyond its control.
How much of this was Seattle at all? Measured the same way in every city, a typical Tacoma home rose about 129 percent from 2015 to 2025, close to the 120 percent rise in our own median of recorded sales. That's far past the national figure of 83 percent, so the decade was genuinely exceptional. Tacoma also outran Seattle itself, which rose just 63 percent over the same decade, the pattern of a cheaper satellite closing the gap with the metro it feeds. Tacoma's Puget Sound peers a county out tell the same story: Everett up 123 percent, Bremerton 108. Spokane, clear across the state and outside any Seattle commute, rose 134 percent, a touch more than Tacoma. So the Seattle money is real, and its fingerprints show up all over the map that follows, but a force that also lifted Spokane is bigger than one city's overflow. The pandemic loosened high earners from every expensive West Coast metro, not just Seattle, and their money flowed to cheaper cities up and down the coast, Spokane and Boise among them. Tacoma's share came mostly from the nearest and largest, King County.
If high-earning newcomers alone were driving the market, the priciest neighborhoods should have led. They didn't, quite. The uneven pattern that emerged points to a Tacoma split into two different cities.
Not one Tacoma
Tacoma's housing market reads as one number, a single citywide line. But it's really a patchwork, and the patches behaved very differently. Mapped tract by tract, the boom takes a clear and slightly counterintuitive shape.
↗ Explore the interactive map: toggle price, $/sq ft, income, work-from-home, and commute by tract NEW!The brightest tracts are not the wealthy north side. The city's two priciest neighborhoods, the North End and Northeast, posted among the smallest percentage gains. A decade earlier that prestige cut the other way: through the crash that followed the 2006 boom, the North End lost less value than any other neighborhood, holding nearly flat while the rest of the city fell by double digits. But the pattern below them isn't a clean ladder from cheap to expensive. The Eastside led the city, yet the pricier West End rose about as fast as the lower-priced South End and South Tacoma. Across all fifty tracts, the correlation between a neighborhood's price and its appreciation is only about −0.12, a faint downward tilt rather than a rule. The signature of a market under pressure is real here, prestige neighborhoods gaining least while demand spills outward.
The bars above show appreciation from 2016–18 to 2023–25. Measured instead from the 2012 trough, the South End and South Tacoma roughly tripled while the North End, already expensive, merely doubled. But a percentage flatters a low starting point. In dollars the order reverses: the North End's doubling added about $395,000 to the typical home, the biggest gain anywhere in the city, while a tripled South End home gained closer to $290,000. The cheaper neighborhoods had the most room to multiply. The expensive ones banked the most money. The two measures land on different people. The percentage is what a would-be buyer in the old affordable core feels as the bottom rung lifts away. The dollars are what the established owner up north quietly gained.
Two ways to earn Seattle money
Tacoma increasingly runs on King County paychecks, earned by remote work or commute. But not everyone collects them the same way, and the difference is geographic. Plot each tract by how many residents work from home against how many hold a King County job, and the two don't line up at all.
There are, in effect, two Seattle-money neighborhoods. The Northeast is the commuter belt: about half its working residents hold a King County job, the highest share in the city, and the housing stock is the newest. Its geography points the same way. The neighborhood sits across Commencement Bay and the port tideflats from downtown, so its open road runs north up I-5 toward King County, not around the water into its own city's core. The North End, Central, and the downtown core are the remote-work enclaves, where one in five works from home but relatively few commute. The remote workers gravitated to the old streetcar core; the commuters, to the newer edge. One regional economy, lived two different ways.
Where the squeeze lands
A doubling of prices didn't press on everyone equally. A household that already owns, with a fixed mortgage and rising equity, lives in a very different market from one still trying to get in, or one renting and watching the gap widen.
Taken tract by tract, the price-to-income ratio sorts cleanly against income. The lower a neighborhood's typical income, the higher the ratio it faces, a correlation of about negative 0.6 across Tacoma's tracts.
Each dot is a tract. The wealthy north-end tracts cluster at the lower right: high incomes, ratios near four, expensive in dollars but within reach for the people who live there. The downtown and lower-income tracts sit at the upper left, where a ratio of eight, ten, even fifteen means the local median household can't come close to the local home. Downtown complicates this. Its extreme ratios partly reflect who lives there: a large share of low-income renters and students, plus concentrated blocks of subsidized housing, set against condos bought by higher earners from elsewhere. Then there are the working neighborhoods, the Eastside and South Tacoma, where incomes are moderate. There the same citywide number lands as a stretch in one place and an impossibility in another.
The neighborhoods that changed
Price-to-income tells you who can afford to stay. Census counts tell you who did. Sale records identify properties, not people, so the transaction data can't, on its own, prove displacement. But census counts can show who lives where, and in Tacoma's historically Black core the change is unmistakable.
Across the city, the Black share of residents barely moved over the decade, holding near 10 percent from 2013 to 2023. In the central neighborhoods around Hilltop, it fell from about 16 percent to 12, roughly 630 fewer Black residents even as the city's Black population edged up elsewhere. The single tract at Hilltop's historic heart shows the steepest drop, from about 26 percent to 15, a rough one-tract figure. The change concentrated in exactly the neighborhoods the pressure map flags as most squeezed. The Seattle Times and local researchers have tracked the same shift on the ground. The sales data can't name who left or why, but it can say this happened where homes became least affordable to the people already there.
That displacement is one face of the squeeze. The mortgage counter is another. Federal lending records cover every home-purchase application in Pierce County, and they show an income wall before race enters the picture at all. The typical approved buyer, of any background, reported an income around $120,000 or more. Among those who clear that bar, a gap remains. Black applicants were denied on about 12 percent of purchase applications in 2023, against just under 9 percent for White applicants, at broadly similar incomes. The records don't capture credit history or debt, so they show the disparity without explaining it.
The renters in the middle
For all the attention prices get, most of the households this story is about aren't buyers at all. About 44 percent of Tacoma households rent, some 40,000 of them, and they're the largest group with no stake in the equity the boom created. Their share has actually shrunk over the decade, from 49 percent in 2013, but not because renting got easier. The city's net household growth went almost entirely into ownership, and rents climbed steeply behind it. Tacoma's typical asking rent rose from about $920 a month in 2015 to roughly $1,725 in 2025, up 88 percent. That far outpaced the roughly 65 percent rise in median household income from 2015 to 2024, the latest year income data is available.
Rent that climbs while income stalls turns into cost burden, the share of a household's earnings that goes to housing. The federal line is 30 percent. By that measure the market sorts owners and renters into different worlds. A homeowner with a fixed mortgage mostly holds steady as income grows around the payment. A renter watches the gap widen every year, and it shows up in who is carrying too much.
The strain on renters isn't new. It's chronic and unrelieved. More than half of Tacoma renters paid above 30 percent of their income on housing back in 2013, and more than half still do. A quarter pay more than half their income in rent, the level the federal government calls severely cost-burdened. Through the very decade that built six-figure equity for owners, renters held in place: no asset to compound, a steadily rising rent, and a cost burden that started high and never eased. The ratio in the chart above is measured against the citywide median income. Renter households earn well below that median, so their real burden runs higher than the line suggests. And the lowest earners are most at risk. What stands between cost burden and eviction for them is federal rental assistance, which even in good years reaches only about one in four eligible households nationally. That assistance expands or contracts with budgets the city doesn't write.
The other side: who gained
Every dollar of unaffordability for a would-be buyer is a dollar of equity for someone who already owns. The boom made a great many owners much wealthier. How much depended almost entirely on when they bought.
A household that bought a typical Tacoma home in 2000 sits on more than $360,000 in paper gains today. One that bought in 2012 is up about $300,000. The one exception to earlier-is-better was the 2006 bubble peak, whose buyers came out behind those who waited for the 2009–12 trough. Buying earlier mostly meant being older. So the windfall sorted by generation as much as by timing: it went to the people already inside the market, and its cost lands on the ones still trying to get in.
But a windfall on paper isn't money in hand. These gains are unrealized. An owner captures them only by selling, which means buying back into the same market, or by borrowing against the house. And holding it isn't free. Washington doesn't freeze your tax bill at the price you paid, the way California does. The assessed value rises with the market. State limits keep most bills from climbing as fast as values do, but owners in the hottest neighborhoods pay a growing share of the local total. Rising insurance and the upkeep of older homes land on everyone. Think of an owner who simply stayed, locked in place by a fixed income or by a mortgage rate they'd lose by moving. For them, the equity is real and out of reach at once. Calling that owner a straightforward winner misses how little they can touch.
The gains went overwhelmingly to resident owners, not investors. Homes bought under a business name, an LLC, corporation, or trust, are about 4 percent of sales in the cheapest third of the market. Federal lending records put investment properties at about 6 percent of financed buys. Both measures miss investors who buy in their own name or pay cash, so the true share is somewhat higher. Even so, Tacoma is far from the Sun Belt hotspots where investors took a much larger share of the cheapest homes. It's a small but growing presence where first-time buyers compete, and well short of a market being bought out from under its residents.
Two divides decide who is on which side of the ledger. The first is whether you own or rent. About 56 percent of Tacoma households own their home, up from 51 percent a decade ago, and they hold these gains. The other 44 percent rent, and got the rent increase instead. The second divide is age. Among households under 35, only 34 percent own, against 56 percent citywide. The same decade that built six-figure equity for established owners largely shut younger and lower-income households out of the asset entirely. The same market squeezed the buyer and enriched the owner.
What Tacoma is building
One lever the city actually holds is what it allows to be built: the zoning that sets how much housing is possible, and what kind. Whether developers then build it, and at what price, is another matter. So look at what's actually getting built.
Recall the freeze from the opening. The mechanism is straightforward, and it wasn't Tacoma's alone. A homeowner who locked a 30-year mortgage below 3 percent during the pandemic would have to give up that rate to buy again at 7. For many, moving now means a bigger monthly payment on a similar house, so they stay. The same lock-in seized the whole country: national home sales in 2024 fell to their lowest level since 1995. In Tacoma it leaves the most valuable housing stock in the city's history trading less than it has in two decades. That throws the weight of adding homes onto new construction. So how much is Tacoma building?
Some, but well short of what the city needs. State projections put the region's need at more than 100,000 new homes across Pierce County by 2044, roughly three-quarters of them affordable to lower incomes. Tacoma's share of that is about 59,000 homes by 2050, at least 30 percent of them meant to be affordable, enough to grow the city to the roughly 325,000 residents it expects. Meeting that means averaging about 2,360 a year. Tacoma has lately permitted well under that, about 1,350 a year from 2018 to 2024. That's roughly 57 percent of the needed pace, and it cleared the bar only in the 2021 boom.
The mix is heavily multifamily. About five in six issued units (84 percent over 2018–2024) are apartments and condominiums; detached and small-scale residential runs a couple hundred units a year. That tilt is partly geography. Tacoma is largely built out, hemmed by Puget Sound and Commencement Bay and by built-out neighbors on its other edges, with little open land left. Adding homes here means building up rather than out, and building up mostly means multifamily. The 59,000-unit goal counts every home, rented or owned, so the shortfall is in total units, not in any one kind.
The picture changes again when the question narrows to ownership housing. Measured from county year-built records rather than the permit feed, new homes as a share of the houses that actually sold fell from about 14 percent in 2010 to roughly 3 percent in recent years.
Read the two charts together and they describe two different markets. Rental supply expanded, though total production still ran below the city's target. For-sale ownership stock grew very little, and the homes that do exist turn over less because their owners are rate-locked in place. For a renter, there's more new housing than in years. For someone trying to buy a first home, the market added little and freed up less.
It's fair to ask why build at all if nothing gets cheaper. Part of the answer is that Tacoma hasn't built enough to find out. At 57 percent of the needed pace, homes are arriving slower than the people bidding for them, and new supply pulls prices down only when it outruns demand, not when it trails it. The deeper answer is that housing rarely gets cheaper in plain dollars. When there's enough of it, more building slows how fast prices rise. It doesn't reverse them. In twenty-eight years of Tacoma sales, the typical price fell meaningfully only during the 2008 crash, plus a single three-percent dip in 2023 that the next year erased. The typical rent has risen every year on record and never once fallen. The cities that have actually seen rents drop, Austin most recently, did it by building far past their own demand for years on end, the opposite of a shortfall. So the realistic reward for more building is a slower climb, not a rent cut. The one force that reliably pushes prices down is a crash, and a crash takes the equity down with it.
There's a deeper reason the for-sale shortage is so hard to fix: the new homes that do get built don't enter the market anywhere near the starter range. Over the last three years, the median price of a newly built home in Tacoma has run between $558,000 and $615,000. That's well above the $494,000 citywide median, and roughly double the $300,000 starter ceiling we watched the market lose earlier. The cheapest tenth of new construction starts near $400,000, and since 2021, essentially none of it, zero percent in our records, has sold under $300,000. Condominiums, the usual cheaper way into ownership, don't fill the gap either. The condo boom we mapped in 2006 didn't outlast the crash, and Tacoma has barely built a condo to own since, just 17 sold new in the last three years, most of them luxury.
That's the structural trap beneath the vanishing starter home. Even if Tacoma hit its full construction target, the for-sale homes it adds would enter at roughly twice the price of the starter homes that disappeared. Much of that gap is the cost of building itself, not builder margin. Land, materials, labor, insurance, and financing have all risen sharply since the pandemic, a squeeze on homebuilding felt nationwide. The arithmetic of a cheap new home barely works anymore. New supply can ease the overall shortage. It doesn't, on its own, rebuild the bottom rung. What sits below that line now is mostly older homes bid up past it, not new homes built to it.
This is where the policy debate sits, and each tool is built for a different job. The Home in Tacoma rezone took effect in February 2025. Together with the state's middle-housing laws (HB 1110 and HB 1337), it widens what can be built on formerly single-family lots: the duplexes, townhomes, and accessory units of the "missing middle," much of it ownership-scale. Publicly funded affordable housing serves the cost-burdened renters the private market won't reach on its own, though it depends on a complex web of funding that the city doesn't control. Market-rate multifamily, already the bulk of what's rising, adds the rental stock that absorbs much of the in-migration. All of these work on supply.
The levers that act on demand, the renter's side of the ledger, are a different set, and mostly out of the city's hands. The most contested, rent control, Washington has barred by state law since 1981. In 2023, Tacoma's voters narrowly passed a tenant bill of rights, a package of renter protections: longer rent-increase notice, relocation assistance, seasonal eviction limits, and caps on fees. None of it builds a house or touches the Seattle paycheck. But a full account of what the city can still do has to weigh the demand side too, not only the cranes.
Whether the new rules change the mix isn't answerable yet. The rezone is months old, and permits are a leading indicator, not a finished home. The Urbanist tracked the first numbers: in the rezone's opening months, applications for the "missing middle" proposed about 300 homes, up from roughly 180 a year earlier, with single projects now reaching as many as six units instead of one or two. It's a real but small uptick, still well short of the pace the city needs.
The fight over building more where people already live isn't new here. Tacoma drew its biggest preservation line decades ago. The North Slope Historic District is one of the largest in the country, more than 950 homes, protected since the 1990s. More recent attempts have failed. A West Slope coalition asked for a conservation district to fend off "inappropriate new construction," and the city denied it in 2015. College Park, by the University of Puget Sound, petitioned for historic protection of its own, and the city turned it down in 2022. Build more here, or keep this as it is. That's the line the middle-housing rules now draw across the city's older blocks, with more riding on it than before.
What it adds up to
Ask who did this and Tacoma will hand you a culprit, usually whichever one the speaker already disliked: City Hall, Seattle, Wall Street, developers, or the NIMBYs. But weigh each against the record and none of them did this alone. What remains once the villains fall away is harder to be angry at: a national jump in the cost of money and materials, a once-in-a-century shift in where work happens, and a city fenced by water that built too little for too long, all landing at once on a place that had stayed affordable mostly because it was overlooked.
Most of it was never Tacoma's to stop. The city sets no interest rate, ends no pandemic, signs no Seattle paycheck. It holds smaller levers: fees, parking rules, how fast it approves a project. Those help at the edges. What gets built still turns on rates and demand the city can't move.
There's no single fix, and plenty of people bear the cost. The owner reading this came out ahead, and may feel furthest from the problem. But the gain is mostly on paper until you sell into the same market. The kids who grew up here can't buy in it. Nearly half the city rents, and built no equity while rent outran their pay. The historically Black core has thinned where the squeeze fell hardest. And the workers who keep the city running, the nurses and teachers and electricians a 2012 salary could once house, increasingly can't live in it.
A home that doubled in value loses nothing if the city around it can still house the people it runs on. Blame is the easy part, and it changes nothing. What we, as a city, choose to build, and for whom, decides whether Tacoma still has room for the people who make it work.
About the author
Derek founded Exit133 in 2005 and published it through 2016. He is also a case study in his own analysis: a career shift in 2016 made him one of those people earning a Seattle paycheck and spending it in Tacoma, where he owns a home in the North Slope that he shares with his wife, son, and backyard chickens. His full work history, biases included, is on LinkedIn. Corrections welcome at archive@exit133.com.
Methods and data
The transaction universe. Prices come from the Pierce County Assessor-Treasurer data mart, 1997 to present, restricted to the "real-market" subset: arms-length residential transfers by statutory warranty deed, flagged valid, on improved parcels, with no exclude reason, in residential and condominium account classes. That removes foreclosures and trustee deeds, quitclaims, intra-family and estate transfers, and bare-land sales, leaving 79,254 sales out of roughly 132,000 recorded Tacoma transfers of all types. We report annual medians, which resist luxury outliers. Because a median can shift with the mix of what sells, we corroborate it with a parcel-matched repeat-sales index (the Case-Shiller logic) and median price per square foot (county improvement records joined to sales by parcel number); all three move together. Comparisons of price growth across cities (Chapter III) use the Zillow Home Value Index, a constant-quality index comparable across metros, since our assessor data covers only Tacoma. The sales behind this piece are browsable on the project's interactive map.
Geography. Figures sit at different scales because the source data does. Citywide medians and the price line are parcel-level sales aggregated to the city. Neighborhood and tract figures are by 2020 census tract (50 tracts with adequate sale volume), grouped into eight neighborhoods where noted; appreciation is the change in pooled-median price from 2016–18 to 2023–25 (a longer 2012-base figure, where cited, is larger because it starts at the post-crash trough). Tracts with fewer than 80 sales are drawn faded on the map and read as directional only; percentage appreciation also runs higher off a lower base, so the appreciation layer is a tendency, not a precise ranking. Migration, commute, and HMDA lending figures are reported at the county level (Pierce and King counties). County-to-county is the finest grain the IRS migration data offers; the commute and lending data go finer but are aggregated to county for comparability.
Incomes, wages, affordability. Household income and its distribution are Census ACS, city of Tacoma. Local wages are the average covered annual wage for Pierce County, BLS QCEW. The price-to-income bands (3.0 affordable, 5.0 severely unaffordable) adapt the Demographia median-multiple convention. The income required to afford the median home applies the conventional 28-percent front-end ratio to a fully amortizing payment at the year's average 30-year rate (Freddie Mac), 20 percent down, including estimated property tax and insurance; principal-and-interest-only figures, where noted, understate true burden. Cost burden follows the HUD standard, from ACS renter and owner tables.
Movement and work. Work-from-home and transit shares are from the ACS, city of Tacoma 1-year estimates (no 1-year file was published for 2020, so the series bridges 2019 to 2021). Where people work is the Census LEHD LODES origin-destination data, Tacoma residents' primary jobs by workplace county, 2015 and 2022; LODES assigns a worker to the employer's reported worksite, so a fully remote worker on a Seattle firm's payroll is recorded as a King County job, which is appropriate here. Migration counts and incomes are the IRS Statistics of Income county-to-county files; income is average adjusted gross income per return, which captures annual income, not accumulated wealth or home equity, and so understates the buying power of arrivals who cash out a more expensive home elsewhere. Income here is measured three ways: Tacoma household income, the average local wage, and migrant AGI. The three triangulate the same shift from different angles, and none is a direct gauge of buyer purchasing power.
Lending, race, rent. Denial rates and applicant incomes are HMDA, 2023, Pierce County, owner-occupied home-purchase applications that received a decision; HMDA omits credit history, debt-to-income, and loan-to-value, so disparities are descriptive, not causal. Demographic change is from ACS race-by-tract estimates, comparing the 2009–2013 and 2019–2023 5-year vintages for the central tracts grouped as Hilltop against the citywide total; tract counts carry margins of error and are read as direction and magnitude. Rent levels are the Zillow Observed Rent Index for Tacoma. Owner equity is a paper estimate: today's citywide median minus the median in the year of purchase, ignoring paydown, improvements, refinancing, and transaction costs.
Construction. New-construction figures are City of Tacoma Accela permit records (via the city's ArcGIS service, maintained by Exit133's Permit Pulse project), restricted to "New Building" permits the city actually issued (issued, under-construction, complete/finaled, or expired-after-issue; cancelled, voided, withdrawn, and not-yet-issued applications excluded, which a raw count includes and runs roughly 60 percent higher). The 2,360-a-year figure is the city's 59,000-by-2050 goal averaged across 25 years, not a target the plan sets annually. Need figures: the One Tacoma comprehensive plan (59,000 by 2050, at least 30 percent affordable) and Washington Commerce / Pierce County housing projections (100,000-plus for Pierce by 2044, about 77,000 of them affordable). Permits are a leading indicator, not completions. The "new homes as a share of sales" series is a separate measure, county year-built records joined to for-sale transactions, and captures ownership housing only.